The aim of this study is to investigate how non-profit engagement influence voting in school election, but also how the school has influenced the pupils to vote and if there are any differences between a big and a small town.The methods which have been used for this study are quantitative and qualitative, both questionnaires and interviews. To be able to see differences between a big and a small town the study was carried out in one school from each category of town.By examine the empirical material and analyse it with theories which are used for this study we have come to the conclusion that there are no obvious differences between pupils in the big town and the small town. Pupils in both schools were pretty engaged in associations, though had the pupils from the small town some higher level of engagement. Moreover, both schools had a high participation for the election. The result of the study showed that there were no noticeable tendencies on if the pupils choose to vote depending on engagement in associations.Furthermore, both schools were very engaged in the school election indeed.

The Swedish emigrants, in 1901-1904, were displeased with their home country, so they moved to America with hope to find a better life. Even though they were displeased they still had a great love for their home country and tried to either create a ?new Sweden? (the Swedish-Americans), or they traveled back to their families, hopefully with savings big enough to buy their own home. Sweden did not have a homestead act like the Americans did, which probably is the biggest reason to the emigration. There was also the question of each individual?s Right to vote.

During our teacher training, focusing on history and Swedish at further education level, we have noticed a discrepancy in the way history is portrayed in further education and higher education literature. Accounts of historical ideas, events and developments have often wrongly been depicted as non-gender specific, that is, of equal relevance to both men and women. To what extent is it made clear in further education textbooks that Rousseau?s treatise on education was exclusively aimed at the male gender, and how are the gender-specific aspects of his ideas described? What role and space are set aside for women in the accounts of the struggle for the universal Right to vote in Sweden at the turn of the century in 1900, and how is the unions? initial exclusion of female workers portrayed? Focusing on the above historical events and developments, this study aimes to examine whether or not gender-specific issues are described as gender neutral in a selection of history textbooks for further education published in Sweden between 1982 and 2003..

The purpose of this Master's thesis is to examine the decision-process concerning public art in Borås municipality. My questions have been from where the initiatives come, who the decision-makers are, how the decisions are taken and which questions are discussed. I have examined this through partly interviews with the members of the deciding organ in Borås municipality, partly through literary studies. I have also analysed texts such as debates and protocols from the Swedish parliament. I have also been present at two of the committees meetings.

The aim of this bachelor thesis is to examine the current situation as regarding the political equality in Iran. The method of this reaserch is based on a single-case studie wich grounds in secondary sources. The analysis of this paper is based on fields that concern political equality which in this study will focus on the Right to vote, candidacies in the parliament election 2004 and the presidential election 2005. A democracy theory by Jack Lively is used to analyze the political equality in Iran´s political system.The Iranian regim is strongly criticized by the goverments in the Western world and NGO´s for the situation of the democracy and the human rights in the country. Despite the criticism, Iran still continues in the same political direction, although the democracy has gained a stronger role in the political sphere.

AbstractTitle: Electoral campaigns, social media and young voters ? a studie of how Moderaterna andSocialdemokraterna are going to reach out to the young voters in the electoral campaign of2010. (Valkampanjer, sociala medier och unga väljare- en studie av hur Moderaterna ochSocialdemokraterna ska nå de unga väljarna i valet 2010).Number of pages: 45Author: Sara RothmanTutor: Göran SvenssonCourse: Media and communication studies CPeriod: Autumn semester 2009University: Division of Media and Communication, Departement of Information Science,Uppsala University.Purpose/ Aim: The aim of this essay is to research how the two largest parties in Sweden,Moderaterna and Socialdemokraterna, are going to reach out to the young voters in theelectoral campaign of 2010. I will also find out how the young voters are going to collecttheir information before the election. That information will be compared to the strategies ofthe parties, in that way I can tell if their strategies match the young voters plans ofinformation search.Material/Method: In my eximination I chose to use two informant interviewes and fourdifferent groups of discussion.

AbstraktBegreppet främlingsfientlig använd's ofta i media om Sverigedemokraterna efter valframgångarna 2006. Indirekt ger detta väljarna samma stämpel. Är det främlingsfientlighet som får väljarna att rösta på partiet? Är det något annat väljarna vill ha sagt med sina röster? Vad tror Sverigedemokraterna's politiker är anledningen bakom framgången? Det vill jag ta reda på i denna uppsat's.För att uppnå syftet att få väljarna's uppfattning har jag genomfört ett femtiotal intervjuer där mer än hälften har varit Sverigedemokrater. Elva personer är dessutom ledande politiker inom partiet.

Sweden was transformed to a democratic industrial society in the late 19th century. Political influence had been bound to the four estates, nobles, clergy, burghers and farmers. The reforms of the 1860s moved Sweden towards political democracy with universal suffrage. At the national level a two-chamber parliament was established in 1866. Political power should now be a function of economic status.

In Sweden there is scepticism if there really is a difference between the two biggest political parties, the Moderate/Conservative party and the Swedish Social Democrats. The voters feels that the arguments used by both parties are more or less the same and that it does not matter on whom you vote. Hence I am going to compare the parties? policy programs, developed by the members in each party, by an analysis of ideas to see if the two parties are so similar that they hardly are two different options, or if there is a divergence between the two. My choosing of the parties? policy programs comes from a decision to look at the members? party, they are the authors of the programs, the core. I have to admit I am not unbiased in this work.

This work summarises some of the new choice theories and compares them with the neo-classical theories. It will deal with choice behaviour in situations with complex choice, such as may be encountered by board members or members of a co-operative company. The thesis discusses how choice may change if the rules of choice change. The hypothesis that people will vote differently depending on whether they choose a desired alternative or remove the undesired alternatives will be tested. .

Since the year 2005 listed companies are supposed to use international accounting standards when they set up their group accountancy. One thing that has changed with the new standards is the accounting of goodwill and long-lived intangible assets. Earlier companies were supposed to write of their goodwill during the years they had expected the extra profit to arise. According to the new regulation, an impairment test shall be done annually, as well as when there is an indication of decreased value. According to IAS 36 point 134, the company shall provide information in their accountancy about the impairment test.The aim of this study is to find out if some companies may be willing to reveal less information in their accountancy, and if there are any factors that affect this.

BackgroundPolitics in some ways has always been about communication and marketing. In Sweden some people believe that communication and meaningful relations with the voters are of no value, instead it is the political content that is of importance. Media evolution has changed the conditions of political marketing; this has meant that the choices of the right communication channels in political marketing have become more important today than ever. Political competition in Sweden has become more even in recent years, this has called for political communication and marketing to be more planed and well thought out. Political parties have therefore begun to spend millions on marketing themselves.

This thesis investigates the effects of active ownership on the return on assets (ROA) of Swedish listed companies during the years 2003 to 2013. Active ownership is operationalized based on the probabilistic voting model that is used to calculate the minimum amount of shares the largest shareholder needs in order to possess control of a contested vote at the shareholder meeting. We study the three largest lists on the Nasdaq OMX Stockholm, having 1454 observations from 207 companies to test our hypothesis. The main result from the study is that there's a significant positive relationship between active ownership and ROA during the investigated period. The active owners' relative strength also proves to have a significant positive relationship to ROA..

The number of parties in the Swedish parliament has increased from five to eight during the last twenty years. The political agenda is still based on a two-block system with the consequences that the number of parties in each block has increased. To be represented in the parliament, a party needs at least four per cent of the total votes in the election. If only one party fails to achieve that, the whole block will lose the election to the other block. This could encourage voters to vote tactically for the small parties in the block to ensure that the block wins the election.

In 1988 the Swedish Social Democratic Party decided to reform the tax system. In this essay I analyse the motives behind their acting on a basis of the party strategic theories of Przeworski and Sjöblom. The reform commonly referred to as the tax reform of the century, was although they considered that it was a high risk project pursued together with the Liberal Party. The new tax system implicated a less progressive income tax scale, actions against tax avoidance and raised value-added tax. The empirical analysis is primarily based on memoirs written by the key actors.